Marxism and Education: Renewing the Dialogue, Pedagogy, and Culture

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Simple marketing ploy though this may have been, it reflects a serious debate in early years research and practice: to what extent should the nursery represent a home-like environment and the nursery nurse play a quasi-maternal role?

Opposing views on the answer to this question have been expressed by early years experts. On the one hand, Dahlberg et al. To portray the nursery as a place of emotional closeness and intimacy, which are inevitably faux, is to conflate misleadingly a public with a private sphere. On the other hand, Elfer et al. What do prospective nursery nurses learn from vocational education and training about emotion in childcare work? How do they learn it? And what factors interact to determine their success or otherwise in this learning? I begin by reviewing some of the key academic contributions to understanding the learning of emotion for personal service and caring work.

She argues that, in social and family life, this is an important function that contributes to civilized relationships. As such, however, it is subject to prescription and control by dominant groups who seek to profit from it. Consequently, emotional work is transformed into its opposite—not a source of human bonding and satisfaction, but of alienation and eventual emotional burnout. Although there has been a recent revival of sociological interest in emotional labor, this has tended to be limited to descriptive accounts in different settings, from barristers Harris, to beauty therapists Sharma and Black, I also think that Arlie Hochschild has little to say about aspects of paid work that are rewarding—not in monetary terms, but intrinsically so.

How and why do individuals exploit or enrich each other in their emotional relating, as a matter of course and also of choice? It is epitomized in the work of Goleman , who argues that emotional skills and competencies need to be recognized alongside, and connected to, other areas of competence in order to maximize productivity. It is impossible to engage in a full analysis and critique of such business management theories within the remit of this article see Cameron, ; Martin et al. However, we can note that this discourse also constitutes a celebration of emotional labor that resists acknowledging its costs to the employee.

Notable exceptions to the turn away from critical analyses of emotion—those that focus in particular on structures of class and gender—in learning and work can be found in the work of Inge Bates , , and Bev Skeggs In particular, they refute the notion that emotional labor is a universal or intrinsically human response to others. They had to get used to a number of tasks they initially found very unpleasant and distressing, and much of their learning centered on coping with incontinence, violence, and death.

To do this, they had to learn above all to control and manage their own feelings of disgust, anger, sorrow and fear, and reconstruct them differently. They also had to control, manage, and reconstruct the feelings of their patients. Bates argues that vocational and educational training VET contributed two significant social and cultural processes to learning the labor of elderly care.

Second, it also operated in a disciplinary way to socialize suitable girls into the work, and exclude those who were unable to adapt to the prevailing vocational culture. Although their off-the-job tutors and the assessment criteria for their National Vocational Qualification conveyed an idealized and sensitive version of caring for people as also caring about Those most likely to settle into the job were from families in the most disadvantaged fractions of the working-class: girls who had already had to care for elders or siblings, and had learned in particular to engage in self-denial rather than resistance to fulfill this role.

A certain classed and gendered predisposition appeared necessary, then, but not sufficient, for success in training for elder care. Here too, their courses framed, constrained, and produced particular selves re-formed from those dispositions. Skeggs argues that, in a historical context where the cause of inequalities faced by working-class people is constantly represented as their own moral deviancy, dominant discourses construct workingclass women either as posing a threat of further moral pollution or as a civilizing social force—depending on the degree to which they take responsibility for the moral welfare of others.

The college courses these young women follow also forge an indissoluble association between caring for and caring about others. Emotional dispositions such as being kind and loving, warm and friendly, gentle and affectionate are universally cited by the students as qualities of a caring person. Despite the fact that here, as in the YTS, they constitute It is generated through both self-production and self-denial. The selflessness required to be a caring self is a gendered disposition.

Skeggs, 64 With this emphasis on respectability, Skeggs adds a further layering to the understanding of education for the deployment of emotion at work by focusing on the bourgeois moral imperatives that underpin it. One issue for middle-class women, of course, is that many of them rely on working-class women to provide care for their children see, for example, Vincent and Warren, This analysis also provides a further explanation of agency as well as social structure in the process of learning emotional labor, going beyond notions of individual occupational adjustment to reveal historical and collective processes at work.

The care students embrace the disciplinary regulation of their courses, precisely because being seen to care properly for others in the public setting of the workplace allows them to gain respectability, and to rescue themselves and others Without denying that such pleasures are genuinely felt, this interpretation confronts the frequent objection to critical analyses, that women do take pleasure in caring for others, especially for small children, and appreciate the rewards that loving relationships in such contexts can bring. Walkerdine and Lucey also address this point in the context of mothering.

They express the reality of both sides of the emotional work that it entails, and argue that socially constructed imperatives are the facets of care that are misrecognized and therefore neglected: It might be argued that mothering is a very pleasurable activity and we are making it sound totally oppressive. We certainly agree that such pleasure is crucial and yet we would also argue.

Walkerdine and Lucey, 30—31 Learning to Labor in the Nursery This returns us to the early years debate highlighted in the introduction to this chapter. In the context of the literature reviewed above, my purpose here is to investigate how the education and training of nursery nurses functions to prepare them for this work. How does it mediate their previous experiences and predispositions?

I continue by discussing the learning of a group of trainee nursery nurses, almost all of them teenage girls, throughout their two-year course. In analyzing and interpreting their experiences, I draw on sociological theories of the relationship between structure and agency, including Marxistfeminist analyses, as well as the theories of Bourdieu and feminist readings of his work. The data presented are drawn from a case study of one of 17 learning sites participating in the TLC project.

The methodological approach of the project is founded on partnership between researchers based in Other data are quantitative: a questionnaire survey of all students in the site at the start, midpoint, and end of their course, and college and national statistical data. All of the students identified themselves as white British, except one who identified herself as mixed race, and one student was male. All personal names have been changed here, and the college is anonymized to protect confidentiality. Let us turn now to the learning site itself. This is a full-time, two-year course, half of which is taught in college and half of which comprises work placements in nurseries and primary schools.

The course is located in the Department for Health and Social Care, and recruits mainly school-leavers. Most students originally had higher career aspirations to become professional teachers or nurses, but performed poorly in their school examinations, and became obliged to lower their ambitions. The large majority of students go on to work in private nurseries, looking after middleclass children, although most of their work placements are in the public sector, working with children from more disadvantaged families.

A recent Office for Standards in Education Ofsted , inspection rated teaching on the course as excellent, and it is held in high regard by the CACHE national examination board and by local employers. Joanne and two of her three colleagues in the CACHE teaching team are former nursery nurses themselves, and they offer valued Joanne dedicates a great deal of time to intensive academic support for individual students, some of whom entered this advanced level course with only two passes in the General Certificate in Secondary Education GCSE examinations at 16 plus the usual minimum requirement for a Level Three course is four passes , and most of whom struggle with the written work required.

She also helps organize a wide variety of extracurricular activities, and provides a great deal of pastoral support for students and their parents. She is perceived as a very caring tutor, in whom students can confide. Within the broader field of early years education, it is low-status work, and nursery nurses are often subordinate to qualified teachers or health workers. Nevertheless, nursery nursing is an attractive occupation to many working-class girls. The CACHE tutors place great emphasis on their view that nursery nursing is a profession, and many of their efforts are devoted to raising its perceived status.

All had worked previously in the public rather than the private sector, and Joanne in particular has a passionate commitment to the provision of high-quality childcare as a means of combating social exclusion in disadvantaged inner-city communities. In fact, she first became an FE tutor when she had moved to London and refused to apply for jobs in private nurseries. To a certain extent, as in health care occupations and professions such as nursing, acceptance of low pay is taken as a sign of genuine commitment to caring for others Scarr, This ideal is enshrined in measures of quality that are widely used in childcare.

Apart from various structural factors, the education of nursery nurses themselves is held to be a major determinant of quality Blau, Consequently, one set of measures used internationally, the Caregiver Interaction Scale CIS , focuses on the personal attributes that should be developed in the nursery nurse herself. She should display sensitivity, gentleness, enthusiasm, effort, and enjoy contact with children. Harshness and detachment are taken as contraindications of quality see Tietze et al.

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This establishes a norm for the kind of person that one has to be—or to become—to succeed in childcare. In the context of the public sector childcare where students undertake their placements, this emotional dedication is often discussed in the college classroom as a remedy for the moral deficits of working-class parents, a discourse that is quickly absorbed and reproduced by the students.

Our students are really dedicated to the work. We get on really well, we do the work, you know, I kept every single one of them that I started with. However, a number of students within the group actively resisted these processes. They were mainly girls with different career aspirations, such as nursing, whose low levels of achievement in their previous school or college courses had prevented them from gaining places on other level 3 academic or health and social care courses, which all had higher entry requirements than the CACHE Diploma.

You have to get on with other adults, not just children. I think the sort of hidden curriculum of an early years course is getting to know people and working as a team. There is much here that resonates with mothering on the part of Joanne herself see again Walkerdine and Lucey, , in the mixture of pride and stress that accompanies a sense of total responsibility for her students, and its accents of regulatory socialization discussed more fully in Colley, Learning the Management of Feelings When students discussed the new skills and knowledge they had gained, they talked about practical skills such as preparing play materials, food, displays and more cognitive learning such as health matters, child development theory, equal opportunities legislation acquired at college.

Their narratives centered on coping with the emotional demands of the job, and revealed a vocational culture of detachment in the workplace that contrasts somewhat with the nurturing ideal that is officially promoted. These responses illustrate the domination of bourgeois sensibilities, in which bodily functions, illness, and strong emotions are experienced as unpleasant and distressing. I think the group will be nicer. I was so tired after a week working at nursery.

Female student, white, aged 16, Year 1, interview 2 I asked one girl to go and get a book because we were waiting for story time. Female student, white, aged 32, Year 1, interview 2 Children can wind you up! I teach, although I was playing with the children. Elfer et al. The key person is in a professional role but she must develop a very personal and intimate relationship with each of the babies and children with whom she is working. There are bound to be some painful feelings involved, as the work cannot be done in an emotionally anaesthetised way.

Maintaining an appropriate professional intimacy, which every child needs in order to feel special, while keeping an appropriate professional distance, requires emotional work of the highest calibre. They show that students felt not only that the content of their course was firmly controlled by their tutors and the CACHE examination board, but they also believed strongly that it should be so.

At the end of the course, those interviewed explained that the patience and self-control they had learned in the nursery was now part of their persona at college and at home. Commitment to these disadvantaged infants was achieved at considerable emotional cost. Hopkins, , cited in Elfer et al. While employers in the public sector may tolerate periods of sick leave for staff to recuperate, such tolerance is unlikely in the private nurseries where most of these students are going to work.

Mentoring and supervision may help to mitigate the negative impact of emotional labor, but these require resources that private employers may also be reluctant to commit, and address the symptoms rather than the cause itself. We can note that, while the overwhelming majority of the trainees were white, the nurseries and schools they worked in often had significant proportions—even a majority, in some cases—of ethnic minority children, while the few ethnic minority workers observed in these settings were almost all unpaid parent-volunteers.

The Role of VET in Filtering Gendered Class Fractions The subtle processes of screening and discipline identified by Bates , , and Skeggs also underpin learning to labor in the nursery. Girls had often looked after younger siblings and done Given the focus of the project on learning cultures in FE, we have been unable to follow these students into their longer-term employment in childcare.

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  5. Fractional locations within the working class play an important role in this regard, and like the care girls and students above they observed and judged one another in respect of subtle social differentiations. Their parents were in white-collar jobs, such as clerical staff or police officers. They felt well cared for, even spoiled, and they knew that their college tutors cared for them too. Male student, white, aged 17, Year 1, interview 2 Such differences of location within the working class were reflected in physical appearance, in clothing, makeup, and jewelry, which are taken as signifiers of social status and moral respectability in our society Bourdieu, ; Skeggs, Students were allowed to wear what they pleased at college, and at first celebrated their release from school uniform.

    Joanne would Not very nice for parents coming in, seeing acres of belly every time you lean across the table. In school settings, this uniform also contrasted with the smart, formal clothing invariably worn by qualified teachers in charge, marking out the subordinate role and economic disadvantage of the nursery nurse as well as her moral suitability.

    By the end of the year several of them had either left or been excluded through the disciplinary process. Another had got into a fight outside college, was cautioned by police as a result, and when this came to light at college, decided to withdraw from the In her final research interview, she explained her view of her exclusion: Class fractions and gender may combine rather differently in the childcare site than in care work settings, but the combination appears to operate just as effectively to include some while excluding others.

    They learned to evoke calmness or cheerfulness, and suppress anger or embarrassment within themselves, in order to project a countenance that would also calm, comfort, or discipline the small children in their care. Elsewhere, Colley et al. But how can we theorize the nature of this emotional labor itself more clearly?

    Female student, mixed race, aged 18, Year 1, interview 2 forms of capital—economic, cultural, and social—to include emotional capital. In patriarchal capitalist society, the oppression of women makes it less likely that their resources can be fully deployed as capital, since women are generally positioned as subordinate players in all fields.

    This reminds us that, from a Marxist perspective at least, capital is not essentially an economistic metaphor, but expresses sets of social relations and inequalities of power. This analysis could explain the role of VET here as allowing young women—those with particular emotional resources suited to childcare—to develop and refine these resources, but only to deploy them as capital within a very restricted and subordinate field. Reay, , emphasis added This assumes that the problem of capitalism and its unequal social relations is a problem of consumption, and that emotions are goods that are generated by women, but tend to be consumed by others.

    Such an analysis would suggest that it is the children for whom nursery nurses care who consume their emotional work, a view that risks misplacing the root of the problem from a perspective of both class and gender. However universal, inevitable, and irresistible they appear to us, in fact quite different repertoires of feeling are available to different class fractions and genders within them. They are related to the mode of production in any given society, to multiple divisions of labor within it, and to different relationships to the means of production.

    It is a key feature of the workplace, a form of paid labor, or to be more accurate, of labor power— the capacity to labor, which can be ever more exploited by those who own the means of production for private profit Marx, , Of course, children may benefit from the emotional labor of their carers, paid or unpaid.

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    But this benefit is its private use-value. And as already been acknowledged, the carer may indeed find pleasure in that labor, at least until its more stressful aspects take their toll. It is the appropriation of emotional labor put to work for exchange-value—for profit—that turns it into a commodity, and a potential source of alienation.

    Moreover, in caring occupations rather than service work, these outcomes can have serious deleterious effects for the child, patient, or client Mann, But in childcare, as in other forms of caring work, the concept of emotional labor helps us understand how this work is learned and performed. Successful trainees possessed particular dispositions—enjoying the company of children, creativity, outgoing personalities.

    They also brought with them more collective or social predispositions, in particular classed and gendered expectations of a destiny caring for children cf. Steedman, Gendered habitus includes a set of complex, diverse predispositions. It involves understandings of identity premised on familial legacy and early childhood socialization. As such it is primarily a dynamic concept, a rich interfacing of past and present, interiorized and permeating both body and psyche.

    They had to mobilize existing dispositions and predispositions, but also work further on their own feelings in order to learn to labor appropriately. Furthermore, it combines with broader cultural imperatives that construct emotional labor as one of the few ways for working-class women to work at proving their moral respectability and worth Skeggs, It is likely to continue as long as capitalist edubusiness has an interest in making profits by offering motherly love for sale in the nursery.

    Conclusion The final conclusion I draw relates to the FE arenas in which nursery nursing is learned, and the responsibilities of those who manage that For all the enthusiasm that surrounds many discussions of emotional work in childcare, when we think about how the capacity to labor on feelings is learned, we need to consider it in the context of historical changes that have taken place in VET in recent years.

    The solutions posed today by the Equal Opportunities Commission Miller et al. Yet, as long as 20 years ago, Griffin argued that, in the face of trajectories that were highly structured by class, gender, and other inequalities, such responses were inadequate. Girls do not need directing toward male-dominated occupations that most will quite rationally resist because of the discrimination and harassment they may face. Instead, they need opportunities to understand why they desire the destinies they pursue; to ask critical questions about what those destinies both offer and demand; and to ask why their education contributes so often to the reproduction of social inequality.

    However, the spaces for young women to explore such issues in VET have receded rather than expanded. As post curricula have increasingly become dominated by narrow and often behaviorist approaches focused on skills, competencies, and economic instrumentalism, social and political education has been virtually eradicated. There is little scope in 16—19 education for young people to engage with these critical questions in emancipatory ways.

    Instead, much of what they learn, as on the CACHE Diploma, reproduces docile subjectivities and uncomplaining caregiving. Most young women today find themselves caught up in a disempowering paradox. They believe equal opportunities exist, but still experience stereotyping and discrimination, and so they tend to believe that these are personal rather than collective or political issues. Fenwick, Those who, unlike myself, are experts and practitioners in the field of early childhood might also use this evidence to pursue other questions that it raises: whose responsibility is it to initiate change?

    What can policy-makers, employers, course tutors or the CACHE awarding body do to make visible, support, and advocate better rewards for the emotional skills demanded of nursery nurses? Who else might have responsibility for initiating change? In respect of the Why is vicarious attachment valued so highly? Which factors interfere with attachment, and have these changed over time? Further research is also needed to explore how girls originally learn about attachment, what they have learned about it, and how their experiences influence their development as caregivers.

    It would also be useful to research other aspects of emotional labor in childcare, such as interactions with parents, which are central to the work of qualified nursery nurses, but in which these trainees were only marginally involved. In a context where policy-makers have now opened up vocational pathways from the age of 14 Department for Education and Skills, , there is an urgent need for those involved in occupations like childcare, and in education and training for them, to think more critically about learning to labor with feeling—and for more research to understand both the processes of such learning and its consequences in subsequent employment.

    I am grateful for the contribution of the entire project team to discussions on the analysis of the data. I am very grateful to Joanne Lowe and her students and colleagues for their generous participation in the research. My thanks are also due to Inge Bates, Carole Vincent, Diane Reay, and Ann-Marie Bathmaker, as well as to the editor and anonymous referees of this special issue of the journal, for their helpful comments on previous drafts of this chapter. Notes 1. This chapter originally appeared as Colley The diploma is one of the most commonly recognized qualifications for entry into nursery nursing, which is a registered occupation in the United Kingdom.

    It is interesting that, as the group evolved, only one of our sample turned out to be in the less integrated group, and she was unwilling to discuss differences in the group. Vincent, C. Bates, I. British Journal of Education and Work, 2: 91— International Studies in Sociology of Education, 1: — Social Class, Gender and Individualization. Bates and G.

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    Riseborough eds. Blau, D. Journal of Human Resources, — Cameron, D. Colley, H. James, M. Tedder, and K. Journal of Vocational Education and Training, 4: — Dahlberg, G. Moss, and A. Elfer, P. Goldschmied, and D. This is not to suggest that working-class people do not experience such reactions, but to argue, following Heller , that such sensibilities are constructed and imposed by dominant social groupings and their cultural norms.

    These might also be seen as particularly strong in advanced capitalist countries—it is interesting to note that the Latin American artist Frieda Kahlo lampooned the hygienic obsessions of U. Journal of Curriculum Studies, 5: — Goleman, D. Griffin, C. Harris, L. Journal of Management Studies, 4: — Hochschild, A. Hodkinson, P. Hopkins, J. Early Child Development and Care, 99— Hughes, J. Work, Employment and Society, 3: — Sociological Review, 1: 15— Laing and Buisson Statistics and Information: Childcare.

    Mann, S. Knopoff, and C. Beckman Bounded Emotionality at the Body Shop. Fineman ed. Emotion in Organizations, —40 London: Sage. Marx, K.

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    Miller, L. Pollard, F. Neathey, D. Hill, and H. Fuchs Epstein and R. Laub Coser eds. Price, H. Journal of Social Work Practice: — Grenfell and D.

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    James eds. Reay, D. The Sociological Review, 4: — American Psychologist, 9— Sociology, 4: — Skeggs, B. Steedman, C. Thompson, A. Harvard Educational Review, 4: — Tietze, W. Cryer, J. Bairrao, J. Palacios, and G. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 4: — Jaggar and S. Bordo eds. Warren Education for Motherhood?

    Vincent ed. Including Parents? Walkerdine, V. Actually, she would have laughed at my calling it an interview. In late she came to talk to me about the Clydebank Independent Resource Centre. After her retirement—following a lifetime of activism in the town of Clydebank—Patricia had played an important role in the organization. Patricia and her colleagues hoped the report would also have some immediate local value in an ongoing battle to sustain their organization. Patricia was a picture: her white hair perfectly set against her finely featured face; her clothes tasteful and elegant. She was already frail— though with her wheeled walking frame she still zipped along.

    Mentally sharp, she had a bright and penetrating eye. And there was no shortage She was incandescent about what had been—and was being—done to her town and to its people. Initially, there was a polite, slightly formulaic, quality about her approach to our exchange; but, as our conversation developed, I sensed that she felt that there was hope for me; that her breath might not be entirely wasted.

    She started to lay it out slowly and clearly, smiling, making eye contact, placing the necessary emphasis on key words and phrases, watching to make sure I was getting it, repeating where needed. This, she seemed to understand, was how one must communicate with the overeducated—or at least such of those as show meaningful signs of hope. Speaking to Patricia that day, I did not actually get it. But subsequently I found that to produce that report for Oxfam I had to excavate the roots of her organization and its culture, and trace its development and struggles, so that I ended up in a position where I did get it.

    By that stage, the intended report had become something much more like a book Collins, The Brief My research brief had been straightforward. The centre had demonstrated a resilience and longevity that seemed close to—if not actually—unique in contemporary Scotland. Other community organizations had proven sadly vulnerable to manipulation and destruction at the hands of other agencies in the preceding years. What was it about this one that meant that it had survived, preserved its independence, and continued to serve its community?

    What might be learned from its experience? In trying to meet this brief I was led to reflect on education and learning at a number of levels: first, in terms of the processes of selfeducation and learning built into the fabric of the organization that were at the root of its resilience; second, in terms of the stark contrasts between the nature and quality of these educative processes and those that have more commonly and conventionally been seen as appropriate for community organizations in Scotland; third, in terms of what could be learned and disseminated from the process of trying to grasp what had gone on in this organization.

    This is prefaced by an account of how I came to encounter it in the first place—which is also highly relevant. It emerged as a kind of industrial new town in the late nineteenth century. By the early twentieth century it was well known for its mammoth Singer sewing machine factory and for the vessels produced by the John Brown Shipyard.

    The town suffered terribly amidst the mass unemployment and austerity of the s and especially the s, and local people participated extensively in the activities of the National Unemployed Workers Movement of that period. The town was then, in March , almost destroyed, and many lives lost and scarred, by the Luftwaffe Hood, ; MacPhail, Mass unemployment again loomed. Many local people found themselves ill-served by the welfare system to which they had long paid their dues.

    This meant that I at least understood something about the In the period between the s and , formerly industrial communities had suffered the damaging impacts of a neoliberal policy agenda—first under the International Monetary Fund IMF —inspired cuts implemented by Labour after , then under the Conservative governments of —, and later under the New Labour administration of Tony Blair.

    Forced deindustrialization, loss of skilled manual employment, ongoing attacks on local government in general and public sector housing in particular, disempowerment of trade unions, the development of a low-wage, service-orientated flexible labor market, and intensifying attacks on benefit claimants all generated growing poverty and inequality, and a growing crisis of both health and morale in the worst affected areas Foster, Clydebank was amongst them.

    In the later s, Labour Party—controlled local and regional government in Scotland, notably in the westerly Strathclyde Region, had elaborated its own system of community education and community development. This had aimed to build the capacity of the worst affected communities in dealing with the early impacts of neoliberalism.

    Many others were developed specifically through it. They were encouraged to organize, to learn, to develop, to participate, and to campaign in pursuit of collectively agreed goals. However, by the millennium this policy and practice was almost entirely gone. The ideas of learning, development, and participation had increasingly been appropriated for the purposes of implementing the neoliberal agenda Reclaiming Social Purpose Group, Symptomatically, campaigning was discouraged to the point of virtual prohibition.

    In this context there appeared a new generation of workers, across a range of agencies, with job titles focused on community education, participation, learning, and development Craig, Increasingly they focused on adapting individuals to the requirements of a flexible labor market. Their activity sought to establish and to police what might be called approved learning for communities about the past, the present, and the possibilities of the future.

    In the spirit of the neoliberal agenda it was serving, it even contracted the task to a private firm Collins, Independent Learning So it was that those community organizations that were still functioning in the years after the millennium, and seeking to engage with the substantive concerns of the communities they represented, came together on an independent basis.

    What was to become a series of community conferences around the west of Scotland began toward the end of in the Govan area of Glasgow Govan Community Council, The event attracted encouraging participation from other communities, some of which then undertook to hold two further conferences in and I attended all of these conferences and was an invited speaker at two of them—speaking on the experience of government-led regeneration.

    Something significant seemed to be happening at these conferences. Some local community organizations, albeit coming from a very low base, seemed to be re discovering a capacity for independent organization, learning, and development. Other organizations had developed at some distance from the local state over many years, and so had never lost that capacity in the first place.

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    Oxford Research Encyclopedias Education. Search within subject: Select How are teachers responding to this intensification? Consider participating in the Rouge Forum in Denver and submit a proposal addressing the conference themes. Individual Proposal 30 minutes The Rouge Forum welcomes individual proposals, with the understanding that those accepted might be grouped together around common or overlapping themes. Presenters will have approximately 20 minutes to present with ten minutes for interaction and discussion with audience members.

    A word abstract will be peer reviewed for acceptance to the conference. Panel Proposal minutes A panel discussion is another venue available presenters. A panel discussion is typically composed of three to six participants who discuss their work within the context of a dialogue or conversation on a topic or theme related to the conference theme. A chair should be identified who introduces the panel and frames the issues and questions being addressed.

    In addition to the chair, we encourage but do not require organizers of panels to name a discussant to the comments of the panelists. A word abstract of the panel discussion will be peer reviewed for acceptance to the conference. Alternative Format and Special Interest Groups minutes Alternative proposals that do not fit into the above categories, such as workshops, performances, video and multimedia presentations are encouraged.

    We also welcome proposals for the organization of special interest groups. A word abstract of the proposal will be peer reviewed for acceptance to the conference. To submit a proposal click here. With the onset of Austerity Capitalism and Immiseration Capitalism, and with the increasing commodification, marketisation and privatisation of society and of education, Marxist theory and Marxist Education Theory have taken on a new urgency.

    But in this volume, there is more than critique- there is a call to action, a call for anger and analysis, a demand for theoretically informed practice in the different arenas of Resistance. Books, Banks and Bullets: Controlling our minds — the global project of imperialistic and militaristic. The free, online version is published in association with the University of Athens Greece. The print version available on subscription or purchase — click on the Subscriptions and Purchasing link is published by IEPS.

    JCEPS will have three issues per annum, as from The journal website is www. Contact: dave. Lauren E. A Study of a Schoolbook on Economics in Greece. Joshua A. However, it may be of more general interest. Rikowski, G. Critique might also benefit from insights from historical materialism.

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    Papers for this stream are thus asked to explore how emergent alternative universities today can be seen to operate as acts of reclamation—and might do so more effectively in future. Questions for consideration include:. Please send abstracts for minute papers to londoncriticalconference gmail. The labourer produces, not for himself, but for capital. It no longer suffices, therefore, that he should simply produce. He must produce surplus-value. That labourer alone is productive, who produces surplus-value for the capitalist, and thus works for the self-expansion of capital.

    If we may take an example from outside the sphere of production of material objects, a schoolmaster is a productive labourer, when, in addition to belabouring the heads of his scholars, he works like a horse to enrich the school proprietor. That the latter has laid out his capital in a teaching factory, instead of a sausage factory, does not alter the relation. Hence the notion of a productive labourer implies not merely a relation between work and useful effect, between labourer and product of labour, but also a specific, social relation of production, a relation that has sprung up historically and stamps the labourer as the direct means of creating surplus-value.

    There are many other of my papers there too. And please note fhe Announcement of the Rouge Forum Conference and call for proposals. Join us!